The Real Grass Roots

While the national scene dominates the news, much of the real action takes place at the state level. The states also can be a harbinger: what starts as a popular movement in the states likely will be reflected in Washington before long. So, if we accept that state legislatures are a closer representation of grass roots strength than Congressional delegations, what does that tell us?

This map shows the current composition of state legislatures. Nebraska’s is unicameral and technically nonpartisan, but realistically it is red:

So the Democrats are hurting. There are 7,386 total legislative seats, not counting Nebraska, of which the GOP holds 4,078, or 55%. The GOP also controls 59% of state chambers (not counting Nebraska) and 57% of the 46 legislatures that are not split or nonpartisan. These numbers show an underlying strength in the Republican Party that is already dominating at the state level, and will continue to be manifested at the national level.

The Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee has published its Target Map for state legislatures in the 2026 cycle. The map will look familiar to those who remember the “blue wall” that crumbled in 2024:

The Democrats say their top priorities in 2026 are Alaska, Minnesota, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Wisconsin. I was naturally curious to see what they had to say about my state, Minnesota:

Democrats hold a slim majority in the Minnesota Senate and only need to flip one seat to break the current tie in the Minnesota House.

Understandably, the DLCC doesn’t mention that the Dems’ “slim” margin in the Minnesota Senate is one seat–a seat held by a woman who is going on trial for first degree burglary as soon as the session ends. And the claim that Minnesota’s House is tied is false. Republicans hold a 67-66 edge in the House, which is why we have a Republican Speaker. Democrats evidently assume that they will win a special election slated for next month, which would give them a tie. But counting that seat in their column may turn out to be premature.

The grass roots are also on my mind because earlier this week, two economists from my organization, Center of the American Experiment, testified before the Minnesota House of Representatives’ Ways and Means Committee on the state’s budget. They put on a professional (I would say, brilliant) Power Point presentation loaded with charts and graphs that reveal the perilous condition of Minnesota’s budget, as a result of several years of DFL uniparty rule.

When the budget presentation was finished, DFL House members weighed in. They weren’t interested in the numbers; they wanted to attack my organization. So one of them had in front of her the Form 990 that charitable organizations file with the IRS, and wanted to know where we get our money.

This was not a question that our economist John Phelan, who holds an advanced degree from the London School of Economics, expected. But he responded with aplomb: our organization has over 10,000 active donors across the state of Minnesota, with a median contribution of $50. So we are a legitimate grass roots organization.

Unlike Minnesota’s Democrat-Farmer-Labor Party, which that legislator represents, and which no longer includes any significant number of farmers or laborers. Astonishingly, in the 2024 cycle the DFL party raised, out of millions, only $6,000 from grass roots (non-reportable, i.e. under $200) contributions. That is not a typo.

Last year, my organization raised just under $1,000,000 in what we classify as grass roots contributions, and $378,898 from donors who gave less than $200. So Center of the American Experiment is 63 times as much a grass roots organization as the DFL Party.

It is a sign of the times: most of the rich are on the Democratic Party team, because they are in on the graft. But when it comes to the grass roots, conservatives rule.

If you want to help my organization continue to dominate the grass roots, you can go here to donate.